Sunday, 7 December 2008


COPING WITH DEMOCRACY
By: Ross Farley


It has been a tough year for South Africans. One barely had the opportunity to make 2008’s first cup of coffee, before the trouble started. Early in the year evidence of Eskom’s grandiose ineptitude befell the country, followed quickly by the widespread and deeply tragic xenophobic violence against migrant Zimbabweans. Finally, after a semblance of peace had been restored, the financial crisis hit, which has drastically shortened shopping lists around the world.

However, it was another unnerving event in the severe 2008 calendar that sparked one of the most exciting developments in South Africa’s recent history. On 19 September, Thabo Mbeki was recalled by the ANC as South Africa’s president following Judge Chris Nicholsen’s pulsing political-conspiracy judgment implicating Mbeki in a plot to selectively prosecute Jacob Zuma.

The recall prompted the establishment of a breakaway party known as the Congress of the People (COPE). The party, launching officially on December 16, was formed by Mbhazima “Sam” Shilowa and Mosiuoa “Terror” Lekota, previously the Gauteng Premier and Minister of Defence respectively. The party was born out of a conference held on 1 November 2008, in which guests and attendees discussed the current climate in South African politics. A fundamental dissatisfaction with the ANC and its policies served as a glaring premise. The party is seen as rightist breakaway faction, perhaps defined by the snazzy lunch-boxes prepared for all the attendees containing a roll, Melrose cheese slab, and a pink wafer. Its rightist organs were also displayed by the party’s supporters toyi-toying outside the conference and singing a variety of struggle songs in an unmistakable Sandton twang.

COPE has conducted an aggressive recruitment drive, boasting upwards of 180 000 members in the Northern and Eastern Cape, as well as Kwazulu-Natal - impressive in itself considering that Natal is Jacob Zuma’s birth place. The party is also taking a leaf out of the Barack Obama “How to be a president” guide for dummies and has gone tech by using SMS and establishing a ‘social network’ through online sites like Facebook. Alas, Mbhazima’s photograph gallery doesn’t feature any pictures of him knocking back Jager bombs with his tie around his head dancing it up at Manhattan night club. I’m still undecided as to whether I should nail my political colours to the world-wide mast and befriend the party. I did throw a sheep at them though (in the world of Facebook that represents the height of group interaction).

COPE has indicated that it will contest the election and has even gone as far as stating that it will win. While it is certain that the dissatisfaction with the ANC is greater than anyone anticipated, it is doubtful that COPE will attain sufficient support to earn it a saunter into the Union Buildings. However, it is very possible that COPE could take control of a couple of Provinces, most notably Gauteng and the Northern Cape. Should the Democratic Alliance retain the Western Cape, this would lead to a dramatic shake up of South African politics. Not only would the ANC lose it majority in Parliament, the possibility of a wholesale loss of power at the 2013 election would necessitate the ANC having to pull some serious finger.

COPE has yet to come out with a firm policy document and one would imagine that their manifesto will be released at the party’s official launch in December. In the absence of long, detailed, great bed time reading policy manifestos, COPE has made a clear point of satisfying South Africans’ insatiable lust for populism. It has jumped on some of the ANC’s actions that, frankly, have left large portions of the South African public with a foul, cheap white wine hangover taste in their mouths. The unjustifiable and ludicrous dismantling of the Scorpions sucked any post ’94 idealism of voting for the ANC out of this writer. COPE have declared to any newspaper worth reading that, should they be elected, they would re-establish the Scorpions. In addition to this, they would reform other specialised units like the Child Protection Unit, which were fragmented and deployed to various satellite stations. The result of that move lead to the skilled crime fighters of South Africa taking car accident statements and contributing to local vetkoek consumption.

Presently, one can’t say for certain whether COPE will proceed to establish a serious challenge to the ANC, or whether they will be relegated to begging for political scraps from the tables of the coalition party guild. However, there is definitely a feeling of excitement about COPE. Not only are they recruiting some fine business and academic personalities to the party, but their threat is manifestly evident in the ANC’s tantrum like overreaction. The ANC’s threat to hold early elections (as well as supposedly low key chaos in the ANC’s establishment of election lists in the climate of defection) are beautifully indicative of a threatened organisation. It’s also an unfamiliar threat to the ANC and it comes at a time when many Mbeki supporters in the ANC feel they are no longer welcome. Remember, Mbeki still received around 40% of the vote at Polokwane. The COPE leaders are familiar with the establishment of broad-based local and provincial structures and, importantly, they seem to be a well funded party. Mbeki was great for business. The names Makozoma and Khumalo suddenly come to mind.

South Africa is witnessing the closest thing it’s seen to true democracy in its history. While it’s nowhere near perfect it’s certainly a minor victory we can all relish.

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